《Lee Kuan Yew》读后感精选
《Lee Kuan Yew》是一本由Graham Allison / Robert D. Black著作，The MIT Press出版的Hardcover图书，本书定价：USD 17.95，页数：224，特精心从网络上整理的一些读者的读后感，希望对大家能有帮助。
●现实主义教育, 不知道出现了多少遍“discipline”这个词 “Those amongst us who were weak, slow or nervous became early casualties.”
●对话太过零碎... 李光耀在访谈中反复强调的一点是汉语的使用阻碍了中国的对外交流, 从而使之无法成为一流的国家.
●才出版的新书!
●虽然是英文，却相当容易读，一天可以看完。关于中国，中美关系，民主制度，印度的部分都值得一读。关于伊斯兰极端主义的部分也是。 以下这段节选是全书中最经典的一段，不知道是不是会被河蟹： I understood Deng Xiaoping when he said: if 200,000 students have to be shot, shoot them, because the alternative is China in chaos for another 100 years... Deng understood, and he released it stage by stage. Without Deng, China would have imploded.
●老男神。值得一看。
●Insightful, like an oriental guru murmered old school preach.
●"谁认为自己是政治家的 需要去看心理医生了". all men and women are not equal agree..
●李光耀作为新加坡的国父，带领新加坡人短短几十年从第三世界直接跨入第一世界，其政治上成功归功于其睿智的看世界，包括对中国、美国、印度、东南亚以及世界的发展和稳定，都有很深邃的认知和判断。李光耀还证明了，一个开放的国家并不代表就是走民主或者分权，某些时代和场景可能更适合集权主义，走自己的路才最重要！#论人类的不可思议#
《Lee Kuan Yew》读后感(一)：读后感《。。。》
李光耀是功利主义派的，什么有用，什么有效就怎么干，原则什么的他是不说的。
这本书主要是概括性的介绍了李光耀对中国、美国、亚太、政治、经济、教育、人生哲学方面的观点。从这一点说，省去了懒人忙人的时间。不好的地方就是不够深入。
这是我读的第一本关于李光耀的书，尽管有评论说这本只是简单加工的粗糙之作，我依然觉得书中展示的李对国际关系的看法言简意赅，绝不中立，对许多敏感问题直言不讳，值得一读。
李显然属于实用主义派，他自己也承认说我都是先解决问题然后别人来总结成理论。他对于新加坡的发展规划和定位，使得弹丸之地一跃鹤立鸡群，居功至伟。
关于中国的未来和平崛起的发展道路和原因，大家耳熟能详。依然有意思的是他从反面的角度举例说日本和德国都是在自己崛起的过程中选择了挑战既有秩序但没有成功，影响了发展。
让我意外的是，他所指出的中国未来发展中面临的几个挑战。其中一个是不能像美国一样让全世界优秀人才为中国服务，中文太难学，国籍太难入，文化不够开放和对外来一族的接纳。
关于美国，也是大说实话，担心西裔移民人数爆炸会大大改变美国政治版图，不喜欢总统选举方式太过于依赖在公众面前的表演，同时不断把重要的争论推给下一届政府，不做不受欢迎的决定。也不觉得人人平等，认为一人一票的选举制度并不是最合理的。尤其是中国如果简单采用这种制度会带来混乱。
关于伊斯兰极端主义，他觉得根源不在于巴以冲突，而是伊斯兰人觉得西方压制它们太久，尤其是在近一轮的美国主导的全球化给它们带来巨大的威胁。解决办法不是去杀死现有的恐怖分子，而是解决那些宣传恐怖主义的机器，通过大部分并不极端的伊斯兰人民来主动抑制极端主义。
俄罗斯的问题是军费太多，印度是政府低效率、腐败，infrastructure不好，社会分等级抑制生产力。
《Lee Kuan Yew》读后感(三)：李光耀眼中的中美未来
这本书是新加坡国父李光耀对于中美及其他重要政治问题观点的合集。由于书的内容并非源于一篇演讲或一次访谈，而是从许许多多不同场合截取而来，所以难免显得零散而不够系统，但从中我们也能够看出李对于这些重要问题的大致看法。
对于中国的未来发展，李认为要坚定地走“和平崛起”的路线（这也是我第一次知道和平崛起的内涵）。不要走德国、日本的老路，为了与英国、美国争夺霸权而最终中道崩殂，也不要效仿苏联在军事上与美国抗衡最终自我解体。和平崛起，就是要不断地发展经济，解放生产力，通过经济而进行扩张。和平崛起，需要相对稳定的内部环境与和平的外部环境，这意味着对内要防范过于高涨的民族主义与爱国主义（失控的民意会带领国家走向战争），重塑法的权威，建成健全的法治社会（李认为缺乏法治是中国最大的问题），对外则尽力不要和美国搞对立，毕竟中国在经济、军事、文化上都还有相当的差距，中国需要美国的市场，美国的技术，以及大批留学生从美国学习的机会。对于中国是否会走向民主，李则持否定态度，认为这会导致国家的崩溃。
对于美国的未来，李的回答给我的最大感受是：她的优势又恰恰是她的劣势。美国最了不起的地方在于她的个人利益至上，她不断创新，不断奋斗的企业家文化，这使得美国百年来一直稳居No1的位置，然而过于扩张的个人权利却也使得毒品泛滥（大麻合法化），混混横行，有着公民社会解体的风险（过于严重了？）。最大的挑战源于移民问题，美国从全世界吸引人才，却也不得不承担多元文化的巨大风险，当美国白人新教徒数量少于总人口的百分之五十时，社会究竟会发展成什么样，谁也不知道。最后，美国引以为豪的一人一票的民主制度还需时时警惕像欧洲一样走向福利社会的风险。
对于中美关系，李则认为这不是新的冷战，因为中美双方都拥抱市场经济，没有那么尖锐的意识形态对立，同时中国并不像苏联一样和美国积极争夺世界霸权。最好的结果莫过于中美共生（但愿吧）。
李是一个务实主义者，在他的领导下，新加坡从第三世界的国家一跃而成发达国家中的佼佼者，从书中我们也时时能看出其求发展求繁荣的务实作风，而没有对于理念的迷信与推崇。
《Lee Kuan Yew》读后感(四)：Lee Kuan Yew on Sino-American relations
If you are somehow interested in Lee Kuan Yew, do not read this book.
I would highly recommend his autobiography or even his interview with Strait Times. This is not a serious endeavor, although it claimed to be based on recent interviews with Lee Kuan Yew, this book is no more than a collection of speeches that Lee Kuan Yew made elsewhere, assembled by some editors desperate for profits--Obama is starting his second presidential term and everyone is expecting a shift of America’s diplomatic policies from Middle East to Pacific, what would Lee Kuan Yew comment on Sino-American relations？ Simple, they selected words from other sources, copied and pasted, and turned pieces into a book. As always, have Henry Kissinger write a forward and put Lee Kuan Yew’s head on the cover, decent money is expected.
However, I do find some of Lee Kuan Yew’s thoughts stimulating--his perspective is unusually sharp and clear. He has certain fundamental beliefs regarding the rise of China as another superpower:
First, the world is definitely becoming multipolar and America will no longer dominate the world as it did in the last half century;
econd, China is on the rise and it certainly will not follow the path designated by the West, and it simply should not follow liberal democracy--Lee Kuan Yew believes that only meritocracy plus parliamentary system works for China, given its culture and existing issues;
Third, China still has a long way to go, but the direction is clear, with its ever-growing economic, it will soon dominate Asia as no other nation could afford the risk of losing 1.4 billion consumers. There are great obstacles as well.
How would the rise of China affect Sino-American relations？
First, conflicts are not necessary. In fact, Lee Kuan Yew’s suggestions for Chinese leader would be to focus on building China’s economy and technology, and stick to the concept of “peaceful rise”. Military conflict won’t bring any benefit to either side, and China is not capable either.
econd, this is why I admire Lee Kuan Yew. He advocated to American foreign policy makers: accept the rise of China and share power with China. Do not challenge China, but engage China in a conductive manner through economical and international cooperation. It surely requires much courage and humility, but this is only way to facilitate a peaceful shift of world power.
Third, Lee Kuan Yew also warned America of the negative consequence of challenging and deterring China’s rise. If America’s foreign policy turned to conservatism and protectionism, and politicians keep on blaming China’s political system and human rights status, it would backfire and infuriate the Chinese. Turning China into an adversary does no good. America has been engaging China in the last four decades, without which, the great transformation of China would not have taken place. Now America should continue to do so and share the world with China, rather than trying hard to turn China into Japan--another honorary member of the Western club. It will not happen, the Chinese want to regain their lost pride and glory, and they do have the ability.
Lee Kuan Yew does not endorse any theory, he is just being pragmatic--he focuses on solving problems, whatever works is the best. I found it hard to be pragmatic though, cause self-esteem always comes to play a role here, either voluntarily or involuntarily. I guess he is correct--the future is worse than I expect.
《Lee Kuan Yew》读后感(五)：Summary of Lee Kuan Yew The Grand Master's Insights
ummary of Lee Kuan Yew: The Grand Master’s View On China, America, and the World
ome chapters' summary are incomplete.
On China
1. China is integrating other economies in the region into its own. It exerts control on the region by the sheer size of its economic power: if you go against China, they can always block your access to 13 billion customers, and that could be very effective.
2. China will catch up to the US in absolute GDP. But its creativity may never catch America’s, because its culture does not permit a free exchange and contest of ideas. Also, there is an absence of the rule of law; an cultural habit that limits imagination and creativity, rewarding conformity; the difficulty for foreigners to learn the language, therefore making it difficult for China to integrate foreign talents.
3. China will not become a democracy. If it did, it would collapse. [If you believe that there is going to be a revolution of some sort in China for democracy, you are wrong. Where are the students of TAMen now？ They are irrelevant.]
4. On Xi: he is reserved- not in the sense that he will not talk to you, but in the sense that he will not betray his likes and dislikes… He has iron in his soul, more than Hu, who ascended the ranks without experiencing the trials and tribulations that Xi endured.
On America
1. US will still dominate in the future, for four reasons
a) An ability to range widely, imaginatively, and pragmatically
) A diversity of centers of excellence that compete in inventing and embracing new ideas and technologies
c) A society that attracts talent from around the world and assimilates them comfortably as Americans
d) A language that is the equivalent of an open system
2. What has made U.S. economy preeminent is the entrepreneurial culture: they see risk and failure as natural and necessary for success.
3. Worries about US: leaders tend to procrastinate and put off unpopular but necessary agenda to next term- budget deficits, debt and high unemployment. There is also urgent need to cut spending on welfare, to increase savings and investments, and to improve America’s poor school system to produce competitive workers. America must have leaders who are prepared to lead and know what is good for America, even if they lose their reelection.
4. Democracy does not necessarily lead to development. What is more important is discipline not democracy.
5. What I find unacceptable about US culture: guns, drugs, violent crime, vagrancy, unbecoming behavior in public. In sum, the breakdown of civil society. You must have order in society. But guns and drugs threaten social order.
6. I do not believe that if you are libertarian, full of diverse opinions and competing ideas in marketplace, you will necessarily succeed.
7. The problem with welfarism: sociologists try to convince us that hardship and failure are not a result of personal choices but of systematic flaws, so charity becomes entitlements, and the stigma of living on charity disappears. But the cost of welfare grows easily out of control, and government can only respond by raising taxes or borrowing, both of which hurt growth and result in economic instability in the future.
On US.-China Relations
1. The world has developed because of the stability America has established. If the stability is rocked, we are going to have a different situation.
2. It is the US more than any other country in the world that is capable of integrating China into the international community. But the mission becomes more difficult when America expresses desire for China to become more democratic. Unless China is convinced that US won't interfere with its domestic affairs will it start taking responsibilities for global security and stability.
3. This is the fundamental choice America has to make: to engage or isolate China. But you cannot have it both ways. You cannot say, we will engage you economically while isolating you on political and social issues. It will not work.
On India
1. India has wasted decades in state planning and controls that have bogged it down in bureaucracy and corruption. The caste system is a block to meritocracy.
2. India’s inefficient bureaucracy is another obstacle for development. Despite its leader’s willingness to change, India’s bureaucracy still believes that their role is to regulate, not to facilitate.
3. India has many economic strengths. It’s private sector is superior to China’s. The companies follow international rules of corporate governance and offer a higher ROE than China’s. It also has a more transparent capital markets. India also provides a better environment for creation and protection for intellectual property.
4. What India should do now: invest in infrastructure, build roads and airports; accelerate urbanization, move more people to cities (which will prove a harder task for India because of weaker industrial outputs and stronger service sector, but service sector is not good for generating jobs); provide greater incentives for the private sector; liberalize FDI; cut on red tapes.
5. India cannot grow into a major economy by service sector alone. Since the industrial revolution, no country has become a major economy without becoming an industrial sector.
On Islamic extremism
1. We have a group of people who are willing to destroy themselves to inflict damage on others. And unlike Tamil Tigers, Islamic extremism is not fighting for a tangible cause. Their drive springs from a religious conviction.
2. The surge in Islamic extremism will take a long time to crack time. In the mean time the world is at risk of these terrorists acquiring weapons of mass destruction. Were that to happen, the slaughter would be horrendous. Hence the nuclear programs of rogue states must be stopped.
3. The Israel-Palestine conflict is not the root cause for Islam extremism. The root cause is the profound belief that their time has come and the West has put them down for too long. The Islamic fervor is the unifying force after pan-Arab nationalism has failed in the 1950s.
4. Militant Islam feeds on the insecurities and alienation that globalization generates among the less successful. Hence the hatred on U.S. since globalization is essentially U.S. led.
5. Nature of Islam in South East Asia has been changing in the past three decades due to 3 factors: the financing of extremist mosques and scholars from Saudi Arabia; the overthrow of Shah in Iran; the participation of South East Asian Muslims in Afghan’s Jihad.
6. The reason why Muslims have become stricter in religious practices is partly a result of peer pressure: the outspoken is hijacked by extremists, giving others the pressure to conform. Hence the only solution is to empower the moderate Muslims. They have to be convinced that when they speak up the world is behind them. For now, the SE Asian Muslims are convinced that Saudi Arabia is the gold standard to follow.
7. Muslims do not socially cause any trouble, but they are distinct and separate. Islam is exclusive. Islam is the only civilization that does not believe in the power of science and technology. They believe that if you aster Qu’ran and do what the prophet tells you to do, you will succeed.
8. Since Saudi Arabia is the one driving the rise of extremism, whether Islamic extremism will become bigger or smaller in 10, 15, or 25 years depends on what happens in oil states especially in Saudi Arabia
9. The battle boils down to the battle between extremist Muslims who want to return everything to 11th century and moderate Muslims who want to see a modern Islam attuned to 21st century.
10. The majority of Muslims are caught in between (1) the sympathy for and identification with the Palestinians and anger against Israelis and (2) their desire for a peaceful life of progress
11. In killing out the terrorist, you will only kill the worker bees. The queen bees are the preachers who teach a deviant form of Islam in schools and in Islamic centers, who capture and twist the minds of the young.
On the future of national economic growth
1. You need to make haste slowly, since nobody likes to lose their cultural identity. I changed the official language of Singapore to English through 30 years of work, by offering two choices of English and mother tongue, and let the parents decide. Finally English wins .
2. People’s standard of living depends on four factors: the resources it has in relation to its population; the level of technological competence; the educational and training standards; the culture, discipline and drive in the workforce. Demography, not democracy, will be the most critical factor for security and growth. Innovation is the key to growth, and the key to innovation is the people.
3. Singapore is fortunate to have the cultural backdrop, the belief in thrift, hard work, filial piety, and loyalty in the extended family and most of all the respect for scholarship and learning.
On the future of geopolitics and globalization
1. Four biggest threats the world is facing
a) First is the Eurozone. If Greek debt crisis is not handled properly, it will have a chain reaction and affect other PIGS countries
) Second is North Korea with King Jong-un as the new leader
c) Third is Japan’s stagnation
d) Fourth is the conflict in the Middle East and the risk of nuclearization of the region. If Iran gets the bomb, Saudi will get it, followed by Egypt. And then a bomb will sooner or later explode in the region.
2. The global financial crisis is caused by the belief that a completely free market will allow enormous innovation and allocate capital to the most profitable areas. But then finance professionals find that they can trick the system by bundling good and bad assets and sell them to people as if there is no risk involved. It therefore turns into a ponzi scheme that is doomed to explode.
3. Business and entrepreneurship have not changed. What has changed is technology. Technology has made it much easier for the best in the field to dominate the world market, making the national champions in the past obsolete and more difficult to incubate.
On the future of democracy
1.
Figures and books mentioned
1. Bob Zoellick on China
2.