《刺杀肯尼迪》经典观后感集
《刺杀肯尼迪》是一部由奥利佛·斯通执导，凯文·科斯特纳 / 茜茜·斯派塞克 / 汤米·李·琼斯主演的一部传记 / 剧情 / 历史 / 悬疑 / 惊悚类型的电影，文章吧小编精心整理的一些观众的观后感，希望对大家能有帮助。
《刺杀肯尼迪》观后感(一)：我们的，最重要的
刚刚看完片子，三个小时的片子让人难以抑制的内心激荡澎湃，当然片子是和以往的不同的，大量摇晃的镜头，夹杂着黑白纪录片镜头、真实的照片、喧嚣的人群和长得差不多的胖子。影片最后也当然没有戏剧性的完美结局，被告被宣布无罪释放，检察官带着妻子和儿子行走在法庭外的长廊里，仿佛正如检察官自己预言的那样，真相只能等到2029年档案解封的时候才能被发现。可是这些仿佛都不重要，重要的是一个宣称民主自由的国度，在政府的权利过大甚至凌驾于人民之上时，有人站出来挑战，站出来质疑，更叫绝的是他们并非乱来的而是严格遵循着开国者制定的游戏规则司法程序，更有无数的平民以行动表明需要了解真相而不是被蒙蔽，他们出庭作证汇款表示支持，他们只是水管工、家庭主妇、护士、甚至挑脱衣舞的女郎，他们中的大多数也和检察官一样认为“必须让孩子成长在一个没有欺骗和谎言的国度”相比复活节的晚宴甚至被谋杀的危险，一个民主的环境更为重要。他们坚信“当旧的不行便建立新的政府”政府不是为利益为欺骗为控制存在的，更为了保护行使民主的权利而存在。国家安全相对于成为剥夺人民权利或者是用来确认政府控制力的借口时，就变成了当权者独裁的象征，所以在这样的前提下，所谓国家安全是无稽的甚至这样的国家是否还有存在的必要和价值。美国人民不允许一方力量独大，所以之后的水门事件、五角大楼泄密等等才成为论证的事实和经典，同样的肯尼迪总统的刺杀案虽然还未最后被澄清事实，但探寻真相的态度比真相本身更有价值。
可以想象致力于找到真相的检察官在挑战中央情报局、军方势力、甚至总统的过程中遇到多少艰难险阻，当他站在华盛顿的雕塑前，当他从马丁路德金曾经大声宣称平等的地方踩过，他听到的是赤裸裸的政治谋杀的阴谋和被践踏的“独立宣言”，当然去年4月我也曾从这些地方踏过，相对只从书里电影里了解美国历史的我根本无法感知这些象征符号对美国人意味着正义、勇敢和决心，他们并非冷冰冰的石头更不是旅游景点，他是美国人勇于探寻司法前途反思权利与民主关系的动力和见证者。
全片最后的30分钟都是检察官在法庭上浩然正气的结辩，看得我热泪满面又热血激昂，但是我什么都做不了，无法去质疑教育的公正，无法探寻高昂房价的真相，甚至没办法选择明天可以吃什么无毒的早餐，充满无力感......
《刺杀肯尼迪》观后感(二)：肯尼迪是个好同志
一个制度，必须有纠错机能才能算是一个好制度。有时候，这种纠错机能可能会毁灭制度本身。不过，制度的实际破坏者经常拿这个恐吓纠错者。然后，纠错者说，我只要真相，哪怕它导致全面毁灭。一个危害国家安全的案件发生了，调查该案件的行为反而被定义为“危害国家安全”。那么到底是谁在危害国家安全。
又，怎样的制度才是人类的希望？应该是那种能够制造毁灭世界的武器，同时又鼓励，或者说善待有“反骨”的公民的制度。尽管影片中，一个金钱的铁幕正覆盖着美国国土，全国上下似乎是铁板一块了。但同时，社会民众却还是独立的个体。依旧勇于出庭作证，勇于做好自己的本职工作。
《刺杀肯尼迪》观后感(三)：国家机器与爱因斯坦
为什么是爱因斯坦？为什么偏偏是他，在大众心目当中几乎独享了“天才”二字的光环？
不单是我，我想很多人，至少是对科学史、思想史有所了解的人，都会有这样的疑问。
秦失其鹿，天下共逐之。兵荒马乱的二十世纪上半叶，最不缺乏的恐怕就是天才。宏观经济学之父凯恩斯、纵横捭阖诸多领域的冯诺依曼，无论是思维的原创性，还是其思想给时代所带来的史诗性变革——凯恩斯宏观工具的直接产物是罗斯福新政、冯诺依曼在计算机的诞生过程中做出贡献无可磨灭——比起爱因斯坦都有过之而无不及。
后世对爱因斯坦的神秘感多半源自这样的论断：“相对论诞生之初，在全世界范围内只有十个人真正能理解它”。一句话把一个绝世独立，深不可测的天才甚至“鬼才”的模样刻画得入木三分。然而抛开对于既得利益集团的伤害不谈，学者在主流大众当中的成功，除了思想新锐原创，更重要的前提是学界的认同，但是从这句话中我们能够得出的唯一结论，竟然是爱因斯坦在学界的广泛认同方面存在致命匮乏。试想一个论点倘若只有十个人理解，这十个人会是谁：志趣相投的同事、同一学派里的挚友，总之，这是一个近乎孤芳自赏的小生境。任何时代短期利益都是进步的桎梏，学者也难以幸免。倘使宗教裁判所遗毒犹在，爱因斯坦的旷世惊论被定性为惑众妖言也不是没有可能。
然而这正是爱因斯坦传奇里最匪夷所思的章节：在学界都鲜有共识的相对论，居然一夜之间在普通民众中掀起了一窝蜂的追捧，年轻的家庭主妇们甚至以参加过爱因斯坦的巡回演讲作为时尚相互攀比。要知道，没有哪个凡夫俗子会在落满历史尘灰的学术遗骸里，费尽心力的挖掘出一篇他根本不可能读懂的论文，除非“人言”齐唱颂歌。在当时口碑的传播范围有限的情况下，主流媒体统治着公众偶像的塑造。这也就是为什么爱因斯坦大红大紫，而凯恩斯、冯诺依曼等仅仅为知识分子所称道的原因，因为媒体从没有刻意吹捧他们，而对爱因斯坦的传奇逸事却连篇累牍。
不过疑问并不到此为止，甚至疑问根本没有被解答：主流媒体就其本质而言，依然是容易被短期利益蒙闭双眼的凡夫俗子，是什么让他们对一个在学术圈子里都显得有些怪异的科学家，在历来因循守旧的民众当中“可能的走红”进行如此豪赌？
是否是媒体预测到相对论的划时代意义，如果这样的解释成立的话，不但学术界的颜面扫地，凯恩斯、冯诺依曼等在大众语境中的缺位也显得荒谬异常：凯恩斯的宏观经济视角，不但在一定程度上医治了大萧条对世界经济造成的危害，其创造的宏观调控工具更是如长明灯般照耀着世界经济的前途；冯诺依曼是第一个致力于博弈论研究的学者，他开创先河，用数学方法解读人类合作困局，为指导后世政府如何管理和分配公共资源奠定了重要的理论基础。而且他们的成就有一个共同的特点，深入社会经济的核心环节，直面百姓生计福利，而不向爱因斯坦的纯粹物理那样遥不可及。
或者爱因斯坦诡异的怪才形象散发出神秘的人格魅力，而媒体历来乐于向民众介绍具有传奇色彩的知识精英。乍一看似乎有点道理，然而经不起一点推敲：凯恩斯最早成名于巴黎和会，目睹战胜国对德国利益的践踏，凯恩斯愤然离席，并且警告说战胜国的肆无忌惮必将导致苦难深重的德国卷土重来。而大萧条时期与罗斯福的交锋，则让凯恩斯的事业达到了巅峰。试问，这样的人生可当“传奇”二字。更重要的是，无论凯恩斯、冯诺依曼，在学术领域奉献出无比激情的同时，他们在当时的社会精英阶层拥有着广泛的人脉网络，凯恩斯还是投资高手，身价不菲。他们英俊、活跃、富有、贵族气质，用现在的话说就是“超浓缩男人”，却不知怎么的，竟在媒体“宠爱”争夺战输给了一个流亡异国、深居简出、满头乱发的科学怪人。
在被“社会责任”、“民众喉舌”等堂皇字眼麻醉多年之后，尤其是面对一直以来标榜独立性的境外媒体，CNN、New York Times等等等等，我们至多只能想起主流媒体最恶劣，最下流也仅仅是作为商业组织，是利润的嗜血狂徒，而根本忘却了他们作为国家机器一部分的工具理性。目睹肯尼迪遇刺之后，主流媒体对深入调查的集体缄默，很多人会自然而然的联想到“政变”、“阴谋”，因为“政治”总是“黑暗”的。然而一旦涉及爱因斯坦走红，这样看似“阴谋它也不会有什么价值”的事件，我们却失去了惯有的怀疑态度和能力。
从另一个角度再次审视当时的历史背景，我们会得到一点新的启示：爱因斯坦开始闻名于世，是美国在两次世界大战中崛起，世界即将进入冷战的新权利格局。在这次战争中，有一个事实在全世界的政治家的脑海里烙下了深深的印记：以科学技术武装的军事实力在战场上享有无法挑战的统治地位。而步入战后新纪元，面对着历来重视重工业发展，数学、物理人才如繁星密布的前苏联，传统上致力于经济、法律、道德教育的美国，若隐若现的看见了自己在即将到来的军备竞赛中，可能面临的智力支持断档。
于是，关于爱因斯坦的成功，我们有了一个新的故事：为从战后欧洲甚至前苏联国内挖掘科学精英，进一步提升本国的军事实力，除了优渥的生活环境和科研条件，政府或者研究机构，能否提供学者向来追求的无拘无束、远离绩效和政治审查的学术氛围，则称为关键中的关键。然而在冷战阴云密布的各国，尤其在这些事关国家安全的科研重地，学术自由简直如天方夜谭。美国政府深知FBI、CIA、五角大楼在科研机构的渗透将令优秀的外国人才望而却步，他们需要一个活生生的例子，一个会说话的代言人，甚至是一点点假象让更多学术精英上钩。他们想到了爱因斯坦，这个完美的诱饵。爱因斯坦是美国国家军事机器发向全世界知识分子的一篇公关文，持续的言说着：一个科学的精英，在他人生最黑暗的时刻——纳粹上台——毅然选择了美国作为他的第二故乡，在这里自由的阳光不歧视他蓬乱的头发，民主的土壤让流亡的犹太人第一次感到了家的温暖。美国民众不因为他的艰深而忽视他的重要，反而敬若上宾；主流意识形态包容他的不羁与超然。在这里，他的事业再上层楼，他的价值为全世界所称道。于是，更多学者追随着爱因斯坦的光辉伟业奔向美利坚，他们不知道人民大众对学术的狂热不过是国家机器在舆论运作层面上的小试牛刀，更精明的政治手腕渗透还在前方等着他们，未来的生活是无尽的“国家安全”、“背景审查”。。。。
我们很难相信先人们会把自己的权利拱手献给一群所谓的精英分子，让他们组建所谓政府，坐享对权力赠与者的生杀大权。然而这就是国家机器存在的根本合法性，财产的独立归属需要暴力的保护，为此所有者需要让渡一部分权利供暴力供给方维持生计。从来没有聪明的生意，只有聪明人喜欢做的生意，这种血酬交易的结果就是少数的聪明人实际上拥有了属于大多数普通人的国家机器。普通人只知道在计算财产时、分析利益得失时运用理性，其他时候感情用事，聪明人，或者说政治人，却明白如何把感情纳入理性分析的框架，并把情感共鸣当作利益得失一般运作。国家机器的工具理性被他们发挥的淋漓尽致，政治渗透、情报交通、媒体运作等等等等。
普通人头顶的天空像一张大网，而收网的线头落在所谓精英阶层的手中，无选择的被投入这样的境地，民众很少怀疑，不善思考。习惯于当着被盗主人的面分赃，狂妄让完美盗贼变得马虎，精明的手段留下了不易察觉的指纹，“只有十个人真正能理解”这等愚民借口漏出了马脚。思辨的利器帮我们在这张大网上扯开了一个小小的裂口，在道破天机后，我们只有一条生路，继续追问、继续思考。。。。
爱因斯坦拉小提琴，喜欢吃鱼子酱，和我们一样乐意拉一帮朋友扯些政治、哲学等等有的没的，他晚年积极投身各种社会思潮，力图为改变世界做出力所能及的贡献。如果那张发如乱草的科学怪人照片是你心中爱因斯坦的唯一形象，记住，那只是因为有人希望你那样看待爱因斯坦。。。。
《刺杀肯尼迪》观后感(四)：纽约客1992年登载的讣告
以下内容转载自newyorker， 作者是同时代的调查记者，写得比较客观，主要介绍了Jim Garrison 在电影之外的真实生活，部分细节是对电影中的补充与修正。文章写得很翔实，考据严谨，值得一读。
Epitaph For Jim Garrison: Romancing the Assassination
THE NEW YORKER
ovember 30, 1992
y Edward Jay Epstein
________________________________________
When Jim Garrison, the former district attorney of Orleans, died of cancer on October 21,1992, the obituaries called attention to two extraordinary events, that occurred a generation apart--one in fact, one in fiction-- that will be forever connected in the popular imagination. The real event, that took place in 1969, was his prosecution of Clay Shaw in New Orleans for conspiring to kill President John F. Kennedy on November 22, 1963, which gave him the distinction of being the only prosecutor ever to try someone for the assassination. The fictional event, which took place in 1991 was Oliver Stone's stunning film, JFK in which Garrison, played by Kevin Costner, achieved his celluloid immortality as a soft-spoken truth-seeking district attorney who relentlessly investigates the Kennedy assassination and, despite all the obstacles thrown in his way by the federal establishment, heroically exposes the conspiracy responsible for killing the President. Even though this fictive rendition excited enormous interest among a worldwide audience of some 100 million people and even led to the film's distributor issuing new textbook supplements for a whole generation of students unborn at the time of the assassination, the real Garrison, and his treatment of the truth, deserves not to be forgotten.
In April 1967, I went to New Orleans to write about District Attorney Garrison for this magazine and inadvertently became part of his investigation. Once month earlier, he had shocked the world by arresting Clay L. Shaw, a socially-prominent civic leader and the founding director of the city's International Trade Mart, for conspiring to murder President Kennedy. He had explained to a bewildered press conference a week before that arrest: "My staff and I solved the assassination weeks ago. I wouldn't say this if we didn't have evidence beyond a shadow of a doubt."
Garrison's conspiracy thesis clearly contradicted the Warren Commission's conclusion that a lone gunman, Lee Harvey Oswald, acting without assistance, had been responsible for the assassination. But that did not necessarily mean he was wrong as far as I was concerned. In the course of writing my master' thesis at Cornell, which became the book Inquest: The Warren Commission and the Establishment of Truth, I had examined the Warren Commission's staff records and found that its investigation, far from being the exhaustive examination it was taken for, had skimmed over unresolved issues. The Commission itself, appointed by President Lyndon Baines Johnson, was determined to have its report out before the 1964 election campaign began. So in June of 1963, just three months after its staff lawyers had begun their investigation at the assassination site in Dallas, it instructed them were supposed "to be closing doors, not opening them". One yawning gap in its investigation at that time was Oswald's activities in New Orleans. So I, for one, believed it was at least possible that a local district attorney, not hemmed in by the time pressures, political considerations and national security considerations that affected the Warren Commission, might have uncovered hidden associates of Oswald's in New Orleans.
Garrison had been born Earling Caruthers Garrison in Denniston, Iowa on November 20, 1921, but he legally changed his first name to plain "Jim" when he first entered Louisiana politics in the 1950s. He had already tried his hand as a pilot in the military in the second world war, a FBI agent in Seattle and as a lawyer in New Orleans. After running but failing to win election as a judge, he ran as a reform candidate for district attorney in a three-man race and was elected in the run-off in 1962. He quickly made a reputation for himself, strapping on a pistol and himself leading well-publicized raids on brothels, after-hour bars and dice-games in the French Quarter.
quot;I am flamboyant," he would brag to the press. When the eight judges who oversaw his offices expenditures refused to authorize anymore expense funds for these forays, he suggested that they were under "racketeer influence," and for this unsupported charge, in February 1963, was tried and convicted of criminal defamation. Garrison appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court that the state law on defamation of officials was unconstitutional, and won-- thereby greatly expanding the latitude the public had in leveling charges against public officials.
I could see why Garrison was popularly referred to as the Jolly Green Giant when I met him for dinner at Broussards. He stood six foot six inches tall, with a self-conscious stoop that made him look even taller, as if he was larger than life. As he lumbered through the restaurant, he affably extended his political glad hand to acquaintances at almost every table.
His welcome to me was exceedingly gracious. He began by saying, almost solemnly, that my book on the Warren Commission had helped shape his decision to launch his investigation (which, as I learned later, was more or less the standard compliment he paid to almost all critics of the Warren Commission who soon began flocking to him like the children of Hamelin to the Pied Piper). He fixed me with his intense, almost walleye, stare, speaking slowly but with great articulateness. He traced his own intellectual development to two heroes: Ayn Rand, whose lone-wolf protagonist in The Fountainhead had exemplified to him the need for higher-conscious individuals acting like supermen; and Huey Long, the assassinated Governor of Louisiana, whose speeches attacking elite conspiracies, had attracted immense popular support.
As the leisurely dinner progressed, Garrison spelled out the conspiracy he had uncovered. Like the specialities, which the chef personally delivered dish by dish to the tables, his narrative was rich but sporadic. Its central character was David W. Ferrie, an ex-airline pilot and self-styled soldier of fortune, who was bizarre even by the relaxed standards of the French Quarter. He had orange pieces of fur glued to his head, having lost all his body hair from the disease alopecia, making him unforgettable in appearance. He professed to be a bishop in a quasi-political cult called the Orthodox Old Catholic Church of North America and worked on and off as a free-lance pilot, a pornography trafficker, a hypnotist and gas station operator. By the summer of 1963, when Oswald was living in New Orleans, he had also became involved in training anti-Castro guerrillas.
The day after the assassination, Garrison got a tip alleging that Ferrie had trained Oswald in marksmanship and detained Ferrie for questioning. A few hours later he was released, after the tipster, Jack Martin, who was known for providing false leads in other cases, completely recanted his story. Two years later, after Senator Russell Long told him that he had doubts about the Warren Commission's version of the assassination, Garrison resumed his pursuit of Ferrie. Even though Ferrie maintained that he had no connection whatsoever with Oswald, he found other witnesses that established, at least to his satisfaction, that Ferrie had become involved with Oswald through his anti-Castro activities. He was deeply suspicious of Ferrie's ice-skating trip to Houston, Texas the day after the assassination and hypothesized to me that he had been Oswald's get-away pilot. He then asserted with absolute authority that Ferrie was the "evil genius" who planned the mechanics of the assassination in Dallas.
The problem was this theory, at least for a criminal prosecution, was that Ferrie had died some six weeks ago. At the time, Garrison, who was getting ready to re- arrest him, he explained. His investigation, however, leaked to the press, and, on February 22, Ferrie's body was found in his apartment. (It turned out, a few hours before he died, Ferrie had complained to George Lardner of the Washington Post that Garrison was persecuting him.) The coroner of Orleans Parish, Dr. Nicholas Chetta, concluded from the autopsy that Ferrie had died of natural causes-- a cerebral hemorrhage caused by the rupture of a blood vessel. He ruled out suicide because a person ordinarily would not be aware a weak spot exists in a blood vessel and murder on the grounds that if the rupture had been caused by an external blow there would necessarily be tissue damage and none was found. Although Garrison said he believed it was either suicide or murder, he did not challenge the coroner's finding. Instead, one week later, he arrested another man for the assassination: Clay Shaw.
When I asked what Shaw had to do with the assassination, he became more elliptical. "Its exactly like a chess problem," he said. "The Warren Commission move the same pieces back and forth and got nowhere. I made a new move and solved the problem." He explained that the surprise arrest was timed to prevent Shaw from destroying any of his personal papers, which his men gathered up from his home in the French Quarter immediately afterwards. He then offered to make this "important evidence" available to me.
Early the next morning, I went with my research associate, Jones Harris, to his office suite in the Criminal District Court Building, where Garrison had left word with his assistant, district attorney, James C. Alcock, that I "should start going through the evidence." He brought in six cardboard cartons that contained such Shaw's personal paraphernalia as letters, photographs, manuｓｃｒｉｐｔs, checkbooks, address books, calendars, blueprints for the renovation of houses in the French Quarters (which had been one of his civic projects) and a Mardi Gras costume and, before leaving us alone with it, he explained that the staff had yet to fully examine it. Even though a Judge's order had forbidden disclosure or discussion of the evidence in the case, Garrison apparently had no compunction about turning it over to a journalist to peruse.
Though none of this material, as far as I could see, had any bearing on the conspiracy Garrison had described to me the night before, Harris discovered a striking coincidence between a 5 digit number in Shaw's address book and one in Lee Harvey Oswald's book. Oswald's phone book contained the number 19106 preceded by the Cyrillic letters DD. Shaw's book contained the same number in an entry "Lee Odom, PO Box 19106, Dallas, Tex". It was of course only a partial match since the prefixes were different, but, if it proved to be more than a coincidence, it could provide a connection between the two men. Apprised of this discovery by Harris, Garrison immediately announced to the press that he had linked Shaw to Oswald. He stated without equivocation that Shaw and Oswald's address books had the identical entry in them "PO 19106" (which was untrue), that this number was "nonexistent" (which he had not yet determined) and that the number was a code, which when deciphered, produced the unlisted telephone number of Oswald's killer, Jack Ruby, and "no other number on earth" (which was also false). When asked by a reporter for the Times-Picayune how "PO 19106" became Ruby's number "WH 1-5601," Garrison, without missing a beat, explained that one simply transposed its third and last digit (so it became PO 16901) and then arbitrarily subtracted 1300. Since this nonsensical hocus-pocus still did not produce the "WH" portion of the number, Garrison added that the code was "subjective."
As it turned out upon investigation, the Post Office Box 19106 in Dallas not only existed but had been assigned to person listed in Shaw's book, Floyd Odom. He had contacted Shaw in 1957 in the hope of promoting a bloodless bullfight in New Orleans and left him his calling card, accounting for the entry. In any case, Odom's post office box number could not possibly have been the number in Oswald's address book, which had to be entered before he died in 1963, because, as the Dallas Post Office confirmed, that Post Office box number did not exist in Dallas before it was assigned to Odom in 1965. When caught in his own egregious false claim, Garrison attempted to divert attention, first by saying he wanted to find out "how many bull fights Mr. Odom actually produced"-- as if that was relevant-- and then by claiming he had found another number in Oswald's book which, when decoded, yielded the CIA's unlisted number in New Orleans (even though the CIA's number had been listed at the time in the phone directory). In each of these cases, he had, like a true Cabalist, drawn conspiratorial conclusions by attributing to innocent numbers, plucked out of a phone book, the sinister properties of hidden numbers that he claimed were encoded in them.
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Garrison's unconventional methodology was not limited to concocting encoded phone numbers. It also accounted for the conspiracy charge at the center of his case against Clay Shaw. This allegation was that Clay Shaw, under the alias "Clay Bertrand," met with David Ferrie and Lee Harvey Oswald in Ferrie's apartment on a single occasion in September 1963 and, in the presence of a fourth man, Perry Raymond Russo, plotted the assassination of President Kennedy in Dallas. Ferrie and Oswald were now dead, and Shaw unequivocally denied that he had attended such a meeting (or, for that matter, knew Oswald or Ferrie), so Garrison's only possible witness to this putative event was Russo, a 25-year old insurance man from Baton Rouge who in 1963 had been in the pornography film business with Ferrie. But Garrison had not even known of Russo's story when he had announced on February 24, 1967 that he had "positively solved the assassination." Just as he inventively fashioned what appeared to be innocent phone numbers into a conspiratorial nexus, he developed Russo's bland story on a local television program that same night, in which he said he had been acquainted with Ferrie but he had no reason to believe he was involved in a plot to kill Kennedy, into one in which he said he witnessed the plot unfold. After seeing Russo on TV, Garrison wasted no time. The next day he dispatched Assistant D.A. Andrew "Moo Moo" Sciambra, a former pugilist, to Baton Rouge to interview him. Russo's story, according to the lengthy written report Sciambra submitted, mainly concerned Ferrie's sexual activities, including his efforts to develop an homosexual aphrodisiac and to acquire Cuban pornographic films (which Russo sold for him), but it contained nothing about a conspiracy that would validate Garrison's press claims. Russo did not recall any meeting in which Ferrie, Oswald, Shaw or anyone else discussed assassinating President Kennedy and, when shown a set of photographs of Shaw by Sciambra, Russo flatly stated that he had only seen Shaw on only two occasions from afar: one time at a political rally for Kennedy and the other time in a car at a gasoline station. Although such testimony, which precluded the possibility that Russo witnessed Shaw in a conspiratorial meeting in Ferrie's apartment, might seem exculpatory, Garrison realized that Russo might be induced by exotic techniques to fill in his story. On February 27, he had Russo drugged with sodium pentathol and re-interrogated. While in this semi-conscious state, Moo Moo Sciambra introduced the subject of "Clay Bertrand" by asking Russo "if he could remember any of the details about Clay Bertrand being up in Ferrie's apartment". Under such prompting, Russo gradually began to expand his story Next, Garrison had him hypnotized by a Doctor Esmond Fatter, who told Russo to imagine a television screen in his mind. "You are in Ferrie's apartment... There will be Bertrand, Ferrie and Oswald... They are talking about assassinating someone". By the Garrison had finished such "verifying tests," as he called them, Russo would be his sole witness to the assassination plot.
uch hypnotically-induced testimony eventually would be exposed in court, since, as Garrison realized, the defense had a right to examine all the accuser's statements, but he artfully managed to stretch out the interim between charge and the trial for over 22 months while he engaged in a wide range of diversionary actions. At one point, for example, he had a religious fund-raiser in California named Edgar Eugene Bradley arrested in Los Angeles on the charge of conspiring to kill the President, even though. As his bewildered staff confirmed, he had not a scintilla of evidence against this person other than an inflammatory anti-Kennedy letter that, it turned out, had been written by a different person with a similar name (He later claimed he was provoked into making this erroneous arrest by "disinformation' foisted on by the sponsors of the assassination). With similar cavalierness, he issued arrest warrants for three journalists, whom he had himself previously sought publicity from, accusing Walter Sheridan of NBC of "public bribery", David Chandler of Life Magazine of "perjury" and Richard Townley of WSDU-TV in New Orleans of "intimidation of a witness". He also used this pre-trial period, in which he had become the focus of national attention, to appear on such television programs as Johnny Carson show, where, when asked by Carson to reveal the new evidence he claimed he had, he reached magician-like into his black case and pulled out some old news photographs he had obtained from the Dallas Times Herald, taken soon after the assassination at the Texas Book Depository, that showed nothing more than a group of bystanders, at least two of whom worked in the building, being questioned by policemen. "Here are the pictures of five of them being arrested and they've never been shown before," he said, holding up the blurry prints. "Several of these men arrested have been connected by our office to the Central Intelligence Agency," even though he was referring to bystanders whose identity he had not yet determined-- no less their organizational affiliations, and then extrapolated "An element of the Central Intelligence Agency of our country killed John Kennedy". By this time, the had considerably proliferated the "forces behind the conspiracy." When he began his investigation in December 1966, he told Senator Long that only a few insignificant men were involved-- referring to Ferrie and a few of his bizarre associates. After Ferrie's death, the conspiracy began to expand. He told me in early 1967, after he had arrested Shaw, the group included perverts--both Ferrie and Shaw were homosexual-- and anti-Castro Cubans. Then, as he went from interview to interview, the conspiracy escalated to include Minutemen, oil millionaires, Dallas policemen, munitions exporters, reactionaries, White Russians, elements of "the invisible Nazi substructure" and CIA agents.
When the trial finally began on January 21, 1969, Shaw's defense lawyer Irvin Dymond made short work of the credibility of Garrison's only witness to the conspiracy at issue. Moo Moo Sciambra's memorandum describing Russo's pre-hypnosis story showed that Russo originally had excluded Shaw from any meeting in Ferrie's apartment he witnessed. Moreover, during his cross-examination, Russo himself admitted that he had told Lieutenant Edward O'Donnell, a veteran officer of the New Orleans police department, that Shaw probably had not been the man he had seen in Ferrie's apartment-- after Shaw had been arrested. Moreover, the shadowy figure of Clay Bertrand, whom Russo claimed was the alias Shaw used when he met him, was now acknowledged by Dean Andrews, the jive-talking lawyer who had first introduced the name "Clay Bertrand" into the investigation back in 1964, to be nothing more than a name he made up "out of thin air" to shield the identity of a friend of his. So how could Russo assert that this was the name Clay Shaw was using in 1963-- unless the name had been fed to him by the prosecution？
Despite the apparent collapse of his case, Garrison had his assistants darken the courtroom and screen, ten times no less, the celebrated amateur film of the assassination made by Abraham Zapruder in Dallas, so the jurors saw, over and over again, the gruesome scene of Kennedy's head being shattered by a bullet. They also called a parade of ear witnesses, all of whom heard shots--or their echoes -- emanating from different directions. He also presented as his surprise witness an impeccably-dressed New Yorker named Charles I. Spiesel. Spiesel testified matter-of-factly that on a trip to New Orleans he had also found himself at a party where the assassination was being plotted by most of the same characters at the Russo party. Under cross-examination, however, Spiesel admitted that he himself had been the victim of a vast conspiracy for some sixteen years in which the conspirators, who included police, his own psychiatrist and some 50 hypnotists, followed him around New York, tapped his phones, caused him to make errors in his business, prevented him from having normal sexual relations, kept him under their hypnotic control and were so proficient at assuming the identity of his relatives that he had fingerprinted his own daughter repeatedly to assure she was not an alien impostor. While such excursions may have held interest to the assassination buffs attending the event, it had no direct bearing on the case being tried.
Garrison himself rarely appeared at the trial -- not even for the testimony or cross-examination of the man he had accused of conspiring to kill the President. When he finally made his closing statement, he mentioned the defendant's name only once in a disjointed 25 minute speech. Instead, borrowing from Kennedy's celebrated rhetoric, he told the jury "ask not what your country can do for you but what you can do for your country". Even though it was past midnight, it took the jury less than an hour to unanimously reach its verdict: Shaw was not guilty. Two years to the day had elapsed since Shaw's arrest and he was nearly bankrupt from the cost of his legal defense. Although Shaw left court on March 1, 1969 an acquitted man, he was not yet free of Garrison who, despite the hoary principle of double jeopardy, re-arrested Shaw and attempted to re-try him for perjury. Eventually, a Federal court intervened and quashed the re-indictment. (Shaw, wearied by more than four years of prosecution, died in 1973).
o ended the evidence part of Garrison's process, which the New York Times called, "one of the most disgraceful chapters in the history of American jurisprudence." Even assassination buffs were dismayed by the dearth of evidence it produced. The local press, which Garrison had tried so hard to win over, now condemned him; with the States-Item calling for his resignation, on the grounds that "his persecution of Clay L. Shaw was a pervasion of the legal process such as has not often been seen".
uch condemnations missed both the point and power of Garrison's appeal. His process, which did not end for another 20 years (when it was encapsulated in a movie), was not about forensic evidence-- Shaw served merely as a convenient means to an end-- it was about something far more tormenting to his public, the conspicuous absence of evidence. He was concerned not with what existed, and could be verified and tested through accepted procedures, but what was agonizingly missing from the investigation, which he reeled off like a litany: the X-ray and photographs of President Kennedy' body (that had not been available even to the Warren Commission), four frames of the Zapruder films (that had not been published in the Warren Report), Classified documents in the national archives (which were unavailable to the public for 75 years, the President's brain (that had vanished from government custody), bullets that had not been found at the scene of the assassination, missing (or dead) witnesses. The very fact such evidence were missing from the public record revealed for him of the systematic suppression of the truth about the assassination and the power of forces behind this cover up. Why should something be kept from the public, he asked, if it has no sinister implications-- playing on the concern, and repugnance over government secrecy in a democracy. Once he had focussed attention of his audience on missing evidence, it took him only a single rhetorically step to draw the most sinister connection between it and the succession to power. For example, he asked on the cover of Ramparts magazine in 1968: "Who controls the CIA？ Who controls the FBI？ Who controls the archives where this evidence is locked up for so long that it is unlikely that there is anybody in this room who will be alive when it is released？ This is really your property and the property of the people of this country. Who has the arrogance and brass to prevent the people from seeing that evidence？ Who indeed？ The one man who has profited the most from the assassination-- your friendly President, Lyndon Johnson."
Garrison, to be sure, was not the first crusader to attack the dragon of missing evidence. Exploiting the public's fear and fascination with secrecy had, as Edward Shils argued in his book Torment of Secrecy, deep roots in a society suspicious of aristocratic privilege. In the 1950s, Senator Joe McCarthy, who also portrayed himself in the center of an apocalyptical struggle to wrest secrets from hidden elites, deduced much of his evidence that a Communist conspiracy was infiltrating the American government and media from missing documents. For example, in one of his more celebrated appearances before the Tydings Senate Sub-Committee, he charged that the FBI had sealed away classified documents that revealed there were eighty-one card-carrying Communists employed by the State Department. When President Harry S. Truman then waived his executive privilege and made these files available to the Tydings Committee, McCarthy, finding they did support his allegation, claimed that they had been "raped and rifled" before they had been shown to the Committee, and he now demanded the release of the "real files". The advantage he found in basing his charges on missing evidence was that they could not be refuted because the very absence of substantiation was further proof of the conspiracy's power to expunge information.
Garrison, however, proved far more imaginative than earlier self-styled populist in using this mode of inquiry to project on television and magazine interviews a vision of a grand conspiracy. Consider, for example, how he magically extrapolated from what might have been a stray pebble, President Johnson's participation in the conspiracy. On a television show in Texas, he held up two newspaper photographs taken about ten minutes after the assassination. In the first one, an unidentified man in a dark suit is looking towards the curb on the street near where President Kennedy was shot. Although it is not apparent to the naked eye, Garrison announced he could discern in this photograph, partially concealed in the matted grass by the curb, a pebble-like object (which his staff later concluded from the blow up might indeed by a pebble). He then identified this object as a .45 caliber bullet, the one "which killed John Kennedy, which had markings on it that would show [that] the automatic gun that it came [was a] handgun." He then deduced from this "bullet" that the assassin must have been in a sewer in front of the President, not in the Book Depository behind the President as the Warren Commission concluded. Even more amazing, from the second photograph he presented, which showed only the man walking away from the curb, Garrison deduced in Sherlock-Holmes style, first, that the man from his appearance-- a dark suit -- had to be a "federal agent", second, from the man's closed fist, that he "got the bullet clutched in his hand, the bullet that killed John Kennedy." He never explained how he could know that a bullet was in a closed hand, or its caliber, but since this .45 caliber bullet (or pebble) had been conspicuously missing from the inventory of the Warren Commission's evidence, he announced that "the bullet which killed John Kennedy, which fell in the grass with pieces of the President's head , was in the hands of the federal government ten minutes after the President was dead." And, Eureka: "This meant that the Federal Government knowingly participated in framing Lee Oswald" and that "Lyndon Johnson had to know this."
The putative gunman in the sewer was not the only member of the conspiracy that Garrison had derived from missing evidence in his long media campaign. In a 26-page long Playboy interview, he had posited a team of 14 additional assassins, firing from four different locations-- two of whom were probably assigned to pick up all the cartridge cases (explaining why they were never found). Since four frames of the famous Zapruder film had not been published in the Warren Commission, he further deduced that these missing frames revealed the tell-tale marks of stray bullets on a road sign (that was also missing). When Life, which owned the Zapruder film, published the missing frames and they showed no traces of a bullet-stressed sign, he suggested that had been air-brushed out. Since a spectator at the scene, who fainted 20 minutes before the motorcade arrived, had not been identified in the Warren Report, he claimed he was part of a paramilitary diversionary action that simulated an epileptic fit (Subsequently, this alleged paramilitary diversionist turned out to be Jerry Boyd Belknap, an employee of the nearby Dallas Morning News who had been taking medication for a head injury he suffered in a car accident). Because the X-ray and autopsy photographs of the President's body, which were the best evidence of the path of the bullets, were locked away in the National Archives, and not even the Warren Commission had examined them, he reasoned that they showed the President was shot from the front in a cross-fire, not from the back as the Warren Commission concluded. "Front was changed into back when the Zapruder film and autopsy X-rays were kept out of sight," he added in his book. Since all tangible evidence of this imputed "cross fire" -- the automatic rifles and .45 caliber pistol used by the assassins, the cartridge cases ejected at the four sniper nests, the stray bullets, the communications equipment to coordinate the gunfire, the entry wounds in the President's neck -- had vanished, he concluded that the conspiracy possessed the "hidden machinery" necessary 'to remove all stain and make it appear to have been something less. " This capacity brought him back to the CIA which he asserted had "incinerated" evidence, saying the Warren Commission's failed to obtain "a secret CIA memo on Oswald's activities in Russia" because it had been "destroyed" the day after the assassination. (In fact, the "secret CIA memo" he referred to appears in Volume XVIII of the Warren Commission's twenty-six volumes of published testimony and evidence-- since only a State Department copy of the memo had been destroyed in a photocopier). He asserted that CIA documents consigned to the National Archives proved Oswald was a CIA employee (even though this material was available to the Warren Commission ) and cited, as his "clincher" the ultimate missing evidence: the "consistent refusal of the Federal government" to provide "any information" about the CIA's role in the assassination.
Garrison explained why many others failed to see this enormous conspiracy in his book Heritage Of Stone that he wrote less than a year after the Clay Shaw trial (and in which he does not mention even Shaw). Here he sees Americans, inhabiting the same country but living in two different realms of consciousness. The first one is naive and innocent, where everyone is duped by "the glitter of the official lie." In this world, he explains: "An individual cannot cope with the unseen forces of the superstate" because " His perception is limited by his assumption that things are as they appear to be and by his belief that he is living in a world in which evil is easily recognized". So, believing what they see, hear and read corresponds to reality, these Americans failed to see that " an intricate contrivance of men for the clandestine production of illusion had become ... a manipulator of America." Or that they were invisible, noting: "The main reason for the inability of the American people and the press to recognize the conspiracy to kill President Kennedy was the fact that its operations all occurred in another dimension, a dimension which is generally not known to exist in our nation".
This second dimension is evil as well as manipulative. In it an "invisible government tat begins and ends with deception" appropriates power to itself through assassinations and conceals from the populace "government force that is as criminal as the Germany of Hitler or the Russia of Stalin." This elite, supported by the "military-industrial complex" was the hidden sponsor of the Viet Nam War and nuclear arms race. To assure its invisibility, this "power elite" employs technicians capable of inflicting on its enemies "heart attacks, falls, shootings by 'deranged men' and dozens of other kinds of misadventures" ( which presumably explains the sort of problems visited on his surprise witness at the trial, Charles Spiesel). It engages in "thought control" over the media and, in the case of those who escape this "concentration camp of the mind," it stage-manages in the media "massive discreditation." This accounts for why "Anyone seeking to inquire into the meaning of the assassination found himself in an enchanted maze which steadily led him away from reality."
Garrison, having broken out of this enchanted maze and penetrated deep into the other dimension, portrays himself as battling to wrest from the invisible elite the dark secrets that perpetuate its power. His weapon in this titanic struggle is the missing evidence that he, but not others in the naive realm, can see and interpret.
With such an rarefied view of reality, Garrison did not need to modify his stance when mid way through his 20 year quest much of the evidence he claimed had been suppressed emerged. In 1976, occasioned by concern over the Watergate revelations of government cover-ups, the House of Representatives' Select Committee on Assassination, conducted it own investigation. Unlike the Warren Commission's more limited effort, the Select Committee spent three-year on its investigation, which delved into some of the deepest recesses of the CIA, FBI and other government agencies. It also addressed the issues raised by Garrison and other critics of the Warren Report (including myself) by appointing various panels of independent experts to analyze crucial evidence that had been missing from the Warren Commission's investigation. Most notably, it cleared up the mystery surrounding the autopsy results by empanelling nine leading forensic pathologists, including Dr. Cyril H. Wecht, a well-respected critic of the Warren Report, to examine the complete set of the X-rays and color photographs taken of the President's body at the time of the autopsy as well as the original Zapruder film of the actual assassination. These experts, most of whom worked for local authorities, had between them experience in performing over 100,000 autopsies.
The panel first established the authenticity of these autopsy photographs by having forensic dentists compare them with Kennedy's pre-mortem dental records and other medical X-rays. Satisfied they had not been tampered with, it then proceeded to resolve discrepancies proceeding from the original autopsy by re-questioning most of the medical personnel involved both in the emergency attempt to prolong the President's life at Parkland Hospital in Dallas and the autopsy performed at the Naval Hospital in Bethesda, Maryland. They also re-examined the medical of Governor John B. Connally of Texas, who had been seated in front of him, and also wounded in the fussilade.
The panel then examined the autopsy X-Rays and photographs, which provide the best evidence of the path of a bullet because as the missile advances through the body it does progressively more damage. It was thus able to determine that one shot hit the President in the back of his shoulder-- two inches lower than where the Warren Commission's diagram placed it-- and that a second bullet had entered the rear of the President's head near the cowlick area and exited from the right front. These doctors took into account a frame-by-frame analysis of the Zapruder film that showed the President's head moved backwards at the time of impact, not forward as might be expected, but, because of possible neurological reactions to such a wound, they decided that there was not a relationship between the direction that the head moves and the direction from which the bullet struck the head. So, although they disagreed as to the precise sequence of the shots that hit President Kennedy and Governor Connally, they unanimously concluded, as did the Warren Commission, that all the discernible wounds suffered by President Kennedy had been caused by shots fired from above and behind him.
Moreover, another panel of firearms experts, ballistically matched the identifiable fragments of the bullets found in the car to the rifle found at the Texas Book Depository. And a third panel, using an exotic state-of-the-art technique called neutron particle analysis, in which even the most minute traces of metals found in a bullet can be analyzed to an accuracy of one-billionth of a gram by bombarding them with neutrons in a nuclear reactor, concluded that the composition of all traces from the bullet and fragments found at the murder scene exactly matched that of the unfired bullet found in the chamber of the rifle in the Texas Book Depository, purchased earlier that year by Lee Harvey Oswald.
It is possible that someone else may have fired Oswald's rifle that day or fired another rifle and missed entirely (as the House Select Committee itself suggested in its final Report), but no mystery remained about the source of the fatal gun fire. According to this no-longer missing evidence, President and Governor Connally were both hit from above and behind with bullets fired the rifle and lot of ammunition found in the Texas Book Depository.
For over a decade, in court and media opportunities, Garrison had proclaimed that this same autopsy evidence, if only it could be examined, would prove definitively that Kennedy was riddled with bullets in a crossfire from different rifles and an automatoc pistol located in front, below and below him. When it proved him wrong, Garrison diverted to other evidence that was still missing. For in his mode of inquiry, whatever had been revealed by the government was ipso facto suspect. What remained missing, on the other hand, provided him with a blank slate for sketching out the conspiracy he had envisioned without fear of refutation. So he deftly switched his focus to the subject of the missing President's brain, which had been returned by the National Archives in 1965 to his brother Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, and presumably then buried in the President's grave. He wrote in his new book, appropriately called, On The Trail Of The Assassins, "the brain, which is still missing ... might show from what the directions the head shots came" (By pluralizing "direction" and "shot" he slipped back in those conspirators who had been rendered non-existent by the examination of the X-rays and autopsy pictures). The ghoulish idea the President's brain was missing from the National Archives-- as if that is the proper repository for Presidential remains-- could again to intensify the torment over government secrecy.
In addition, he also continued to hammer away at the fact that Warren Commission documents were still secreted in the National Archives. He recited their cryptic titles and anguished over "the order to conceal assassination evidence for 75 years by the federal government." Actually, there was no such order. Many investigative files are withheld by law for 75 year-- a number chosen arbitrarily to exceed the lifespan of persons likely to be mentioned in government reports, and thereby protect their privacy-- but in the case of the Warren Commission material, President Johnson in 1966 waived this requisite and ordered all documents opened to the public except those containing the names of confidential informers, information damaging to innocent parties and information about agencies operating procedures. By 1988, some 60,000 pages had been released. And the documents that still remain classified under these guidelines were not sinister secrets kept from the Warren Commission but material that had been voluntarily turned over to it by the CIA, FBI, State Department and other agencies.
one of his legerdemain, or his rantings about the demonology of the second dimension, had a deleterious effect on his political career. After his debacle in the Shaw trial, where he denounced by the local press as " a man without principle who would pervert the legal process to his own ends," and after it had been disclosed that he had been discharged from the Army for psychiatric reasons, he still easily won re-election as District Attorney in 1969 with 53 per cent of the vote. Denied a second shot at Clay Shaw, he abandoned the prosecutorial route, and quietly dropped the dozen or so collateral indictments against critical journalist, defecting employees and recalcitrant witnesses-- including the perjury case against the jivester, Dean Andrews. So, in the end, no one ever went to prison because of his conspiracy case. He concentrated instead on television talk-shows and media interviews.
y the end of his third term as district attorney in 1973, he found himself in the dock as a defendant, being tried on federal charges of accepting bribes and conspiring to protect illegal pinball gambling. Although he won an acquittal for himself, acting as his own attorney, he lost his subsequent bid for re-election that year-- no doubt because he had been himself indicted as a conspirator. Returning to private life, he wrote a fast-paced assassination thriller, the Star Spangled Contract, which demonstrated, as might be expected his talent for fictionizing. Retaining his flamboyant flair for politics, he successfuly campaigned in 1978 for a seat on Louisiana's Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals. While on the court, he tried his hand at film acting, playing a New Orleans judge in "The Big Easy." By 1988, for most of the world outside Orleans Parish, Garrison had become a forgotten man. His prosecution of Clay Shaw was seen even by his former staff members as a tragic mistake that ruined the life of an innocent man. His repeated media fabrications --such as transmuting a pebble in a photograph to a missing bullet President Johnson was hiding-- had destroyed his credibility even among talk-show hosts. Even assassination buffs found that his demagogic obsession with missing rather than existent evidence had made him a menace to any serious inquiry into the facts surrounding the assassination.
His apocalyptic vision of the secret elite operating from the second dimension might have faded into obscurity if was not for Oliver Stone, who, after reading his "On The Trail Of The Assassin," resonated with its potential. He explained in the best Hollywood pitch style to Robert Sam Anson in Esquire: "It reads like a Dashiell Hammett whodunit. It starts out as a bit of a seedy crime with small traces, and then the gumshoe district attorney follows the trail, and the trail widens and widens, and before you know it, it's no longer a small-town affair. That seemed to me the kernel of a very powerful movie." So he paid Garrison $250,000 for the rights to the book-- and hired him as a guide to the other dimension, which would be revealed in the movie, JFK. He also cast Garrison the actor as Chief Justice Earl Warren, so he could have the last laugh on the Warren Commission.
o one full generation after the trial of Clay Shaw, Garrison arose from the ashes, phoenix-like, in Hollywood. He was now reunited with his former star witness Perry Raymond Russo, who he had twenty-one years earlier hypnotized into recalling the assassination conspiracy. This time around, they were both serving as advisors (and bit actors)to Stone's movie, which also had spliced into it for an air of pseudo-documentary reality, the Zapruder film of the bloody event. In his final incarnation, Garrison achieved in fiction what he failed to do in fact: he obtained the missing evidence and revealed the existence of the secret elite that had assassinated Kennedy, pulled a coup' d'etat, and prolonged American's involvement in the war in Vietnam. Through the medium of this film, Garrison may yet incorporate in the popular imagination, at least among those in the audience confused by Stone's blurring of fact and fiction, all the claims, and outright delusions, that he had derivered from non-existent evidence, hypnosis and encounters with the forces from the second dimension.
《刺杀肯尼迪》观后感(五)：关于真相
一开场，在仰拍的镜头里是教堂上空飞过的一群白鸽，但是这里却没有吴宇森的英雄气短儿女情长，有的只是政治的阴谋与阳谋、无耻的狡辩与背叛、纷杂的假象与回应、执着的求证与调查，这就是Oliver Stone拍摄于1991年的《刺杀肯尼迪》JFK，首先必须要说的是——这是我看过的最政治的电影！同时也是最好的，至少迄今为止是这样！
这是一段并不算太久远的美国人所能够熟知的历史，这个当时世界上最牛X的国家之一的最高国家领导人在光天化日之下在群众们的夹道欢迎的敞篷车里被狙击手枪杀了——随之而来的意外状况纷至沓来让人目不暇接，现是抓到了凶手Lee Harvey Oswald，似乎所有的证据都表明他是毫无疑问的元凶，但是不久他就被愤怒的Willie O'Keefe在大庭广众之下枪杀，而Willie O'Keefe本人也在不久之后死了……一切的混乱多少有点按部就班的味道，然后就是全国瞩目的调查，最后在结案的时候并没有更多的发现，Lee Harvey Oswald被认定为刺杀总统的真凶！所有的事情似乎已经尘埃落定了，但是达拉斯的检查官Jim Garrison对调查结果并不认同，于是开始带领自己的手下开始进行秘密调查……随着调查的深入疑点开始逐渐现形，事情越来越复杂，而结果也开始跟政府的调查结果背道而驰！尽管看起来所有的证据都表明了Jim Garrison的调查结果更加趋向于事实，但是政府还是驳回了这次公诉，而关于这次刺杀的文件将在几十年之后公开！
关于这部电影其实无须多说，尤其是Kevin Costner在片尾那段法庭上关于民主和真相的独白简直能入选经典演讲教材，而本片在技术方面尤其是剪辑技巧的高绝之处就更不是我辈能够讲得清楚的，只是在惊叹于其鬼斧神工般的天衣无缝之余能够感觉到导演似乎并非只是就事论事的想要展示刺杀事件本身，更多的是关于民主、关于真相、关于民众的知情权、政府事务的透明度及其公信度，这些事情在我们国内似乎是不敢有太多奢望的了，但是在号称最民主的美国这将会是一番怎样的状况呢？在电影中能够看到那里一样有屈打成招司法不公、一样有官官相互寡头勾结、一样有偷梁换柱和不能公开的事实，尽管是一小部分的事实，但却是最关键的！我无意将这些作为抨击那些阴暗面的缘由，毫无意义，只是能够让我进一步去思考一些关于真相的意义。
真相有意义吗？有，真实的事情即使是不好的也能够让人安心，至少已经知道是不好的了，所有坏事发生的时候不至于因为毫无防备而措手不及，就算是面对无法动摇的真相，起码也不会有被愚弄的感觉。真因为如此所以在Matrix中锡安城里的人们才选择了忍受一切，即使万分艰难！在什么时候真相有掩饰的必要？即制造假象的动机是什么？带来的结果又会是什么？当真相跟预期局面出现偏差的时候事实往往会变得非常危险，当然这里的危险只是相对于特定人群来说的，再直白一点就是某些特殊利益人群——这是个有人减肥，有人饿死没粮的世界——而更荒谬的事情是那一小撮想要减肥的人是由最广大的饿死没粮的人们所造就的，但是双方却无法交换身份，只能如马太福音一般的彼此都愈演愈烈！最最无奈的是大部分的真相都是由那一小撮想要减肥的人所把持着的，既然如此哪些真相是真的，哪些不是？推而广之的话也意味着有些所谓的假象可能其实是真的！这还不是悖论，悖论的是一直以为了解真相的我们其实一直都生活在Matrix里！
Oliver Stone剑指弩张摆明车马源源不断的给观众提供这样一种信息——这次刺杀是某些政府高官们有计划有预谋的联合集体行动，说白了就是一起新式的宫廷政变，动机离不开两样——权和钱！尽管这些做得多少有些刻意，但证据着实确凿，所有的事实也都很经得起推敲，这也就显得比Mickael Moore的《华氏911》Fahrenheit9/11要有诚意得多！
欲望是人类发展和进化的源泉，有人想要在夜晚看见东西于是找到了自己控制光源的方法，有人想要在寒冷的时候不痛苦在炎热的时候不中暑于是找到了在特定范围内人工控制温度的方法……但是随着人类进化的加剧欲望开始有点脱缰了，一些并不人道的事情开始被催生出来，而更甚的是为了使这些不人道的事情能够存在的理由始作俑者们采取了掩饰或者煽动的方式推而广之，要么不让其他的大多数人知道，要么让大多数人都欲罢不能！于是群体的力量无论主动被动都打造出一种将不合理协调化、将协调程序化、将程序理论化，于是也就产生了所谓的体制，所有的东西都必须符合体制遵守体制适应体制，否则，逐出体制或者被迫自绝于该体制，如果不能推翻重建这个体制的话！
这看起来又开始靠近无政府主义了，而且似乎跟真相与否也扯不上关系！真相是真相，体制是体制，看似毫无关联，但其实就跟现在坐在电脑前打字的我跟现在坐在电脑前看字的你们一样，何必如此绝对！
什么是真相？真相就是事实！但是什么又是事实？事实就是已经确实发生了的事物。但是什么又是已经确实发生了的事物？这种确实发生了的事物如何界定如何判断？是我们看到的听到的，还是我们想到的感觉到的，真相是不是就是大多数人认定的，还是真的只掌握在少部分人手中，实践是否真的就能够证明真相，如何确定这一切都是没有受到外界干扰过的……这不是怀疑主义，只是当真相需要通过并不可靠的主观判断才能确定时，真相也变得不那么可靠了，不可靠的东西难道不值得怀疑吗！只是难道我们因此就要放弃对于真相的探寻吗？答案当然绝对是no了！至于具体怎样做当然不用我说，每个人都有自己的方式去判断甄别。
如果真相的建立开始变得复杂曲折，开始由一些有明显意图的人来掌控时，真相开始变得神奇起来，比如电影中的蒙太奇就是个中翘楚！可是有些不实的真相可能比最不诚实的电影还要可怕，一部电影无非两三个小时，而有的真相可能让人一生都暗无天日，比如那部癫狂的Undergrund所表现的故事，而Matrix也只是接触到了这类题材的冰山一角而已。
就真相对于个人的精神层面来说，那可能是一种本能的要求，虽然也有人会选择放弃真相，但那种逃避不在我要讨论的范畴！真相是认识世界最有效最直接的可能性，尽管人类最首要的并非认识世界，而是认识自己。但是自己也难免会被自己欺骗，所谓的自卑、自大都是形容自己被自己欺骗的词语！对于客观真相那就更加不靠谱了，一件又一件的事情堆叠起来再大浪淘沙般的去伪存真，一下子有点底气不足的感觉，所以说有时候不能过于较真，所谓难得糊涂嘛！
《刺杀肯尼迪》观后感(六)：被上帝诅咒的肯尼迪家族
先看一下肯尼迪家族这半个世纪的遭遇
大哥约瑟夫在战争中飞机失事
二哥约翰被暗杀
老三罗伯特踏入政坛后电视现场直播被枪杀
老四爱德华修身养性，却和姑娘直接开进爱“河”了！竟然还是报警不及时！
关于受到诅咒有以下几种说法！
说法一：老肯尼迪1937年到1940年间作为美国驻英大使，在此期间为避免美国卷入“欧洲战争”，他曾拒绝为500名被送进纳粹死亡集中营的犹太人派发签证。1940年他回到美国，“肯尼迪家族的诅咒”开始了。
说法二：1937年，老肯尼迪在乘船回美国的途中，同船有一位从纳粹魔掌逃出来的犹太牧师，而约瑟夫向船长抱怨，要求船长禁止犹太牧师等人在船上祈祷，结果那位犹太牧师给肯尼迪家族的所有男人下了一个诅咒：他们将遭悲惨的命运。
说法三：《肯尼迪诅咒》一书中提出了坊间流传的另一种猜测：这个家族由于其难以见光的发家史和滥用权力的行为而受到神的惩罚。许多人都认为，这是“善有善报，恶有恶报”。
回到本片不管怎样，我是无论如何不会相信美国政府官方的解释，而是更相信本片中的观点！
那么究竟谁才是幕后的黑手呢？
黑社会？
别逗了，在政府的面前，它只是个尿壶！需要的时候拿出来用用，不需要的时候，就会扔到床下角落里！
中情局？
电影中可以看到，在整个事件中，军方、警方、法院都极其有默契的大力配合，这应该不会是中情局能做到的吧！要知道这可是在暗杀总统！
也许，高晓松给出的答案偏可信吧！
那就是美国最大的利益集团——共济会，成员遍及各利害部门非官即富！所以才能有这么大的能量操纵各方力量，完成了此次暗杀总统事件！
期待真相被揭露的那一天！
《刺杀肯尼迪》观后感(七)：看过JFK之后才知道有时不是为了拍电影而拍电影
我看过的所有电影中最最出色的,没有之一,没有本年度.
长达3小时25分钟的影片中,导演Oliver Stone像一个讲故事的老者,娓娓道来,不急不慢.这时,我突然感觉到,原来电影不仅仅是电影,电影也可以是一种媒介,一种途径,来表达或者是导演,或者是编剧的一种想法,一种观点.
拍电影可以不仅仅是为了拍电影而存在,当然了,不是任何电影都可以达到这个层次,演员的表达,镜头的剪辑,摄影的功力,编剧对剧情的收放,都是非常重要的因素.
我一直认为,当我们看完一部片子后还在纠结于演员的表演是否到位,编剧的安排是否合理,后期的剪辑是不是得当上面的时候,那就说明,这不是一部成功的片子.这些事情还仅仅是停留在电影层面的.一部电影之所以存在,一定要能传达给我们什么(这里仅指故事片),而要传达给我们的前提就是,你作为一部电影的要素要齐全,要完美.
显然,JFK做到了这一切,在镜头的剪辑上,可以说是教科书式的完美,全剧只有一处明显剪辑上面的失误,出现在1小时45秒那一段,几个不同角度的摄像机的片段出现了错误.镜头角度的选取上面也是大师级别的,当然你可以说"啊,这些角度没什么新意啊",但是准确无误的做到所有的这些取景还是很需要功力的.这里对比下谍影重重系列里面的摄影师角度的选取,几乎全是晃动的镜头,快速的镜头切换,很符合一部谍战片的风格.这里摄影师的镜头选择则很稳重,很大气,让人一步步的跟随着Stone,听他讲述着这个故事.
当然,如果非要让我吹毛求疵的话,我还是有一点说的,其中很多镜头的色温处理有点糟糕,有时候甚至是连着的两个同场景的镜头色温都有点对不上,呵呵,无伤大雅了...
《刺杀肯尼迪》观后感(八)：不适合我们国家的片子，会被禁。
看了206分钟的完整版，首先说明这不是我国能接受的电影。其中提到了太多公开公正公平，最震撼的一句话记得是说儿孙在未来能够在某一处看到国家公开重要机关的可公开的信息，那该是多么让人民感到安全的一刻。而我在我们这个信息封锁的国家，不求这些，求开FB，YTB，全球联网游戏，国外真实新闻，时刻让我们了解一下外边对中国的评价，我们才能改正。
其次这不是年轻人或者政外人员能看懂的电源，其中太多关于政治的黑幕，太多的利益，相比起其他破解杀人案的电影，《刺杀肯尼迪》却不是让观众去将重心放在谁是凶手的片子，而是更多引出国家的腐败、战争、交易的更深层次的信息。
最后要感谢现在所有的字幕组，因为我所看到的部分字幕实在是要靠暂停看英文才能看懂，以至于3个半小时的电源看了一晚上。。抱歉我平时看电影时忽略了你们，请你们以后继续为我们广大的电影爱好者服务吧~
《刺杀肯尼迪》观后感(九)：台词
有谁会哀悼 Who grieves for Lee Harvey Oswald
埋在廉价坟墓中的李.夏维.奥斯华？ buried in a cheap grave under the name Oswald？
没有人。 Nobody.
虚假的指控及有关奥斯华的报导散发全球 False statements and press leaks about Oswald circulate the globe.
政府制造了传说， The official legend is created
媒体就马上接手。 and the media takes it from there.
官方华丽的谎言 The glitter of official lies
和为肯尼迪举行的盛大葬礼 and the epic splendor of JFK's funeral...
混淆了视听、误导了的判断。 ...confuse the eye and confound the understanding.
希特勒说过： Hitler said:
谎言越大，就越多人相信。 "The bigger the lie,the more people will believe it."
一个孤独的疯子奥斯华为了引人注意 Lee Harvey Oswald, a crazed,lonely man who wanted attention…
而去杀死总统。 ...and got it by killing a President
他只是众多代罪羔羊之一。 was only the first in a long line of patsies.
随后，罗比肯尼迪、马丁路德金， In later years, Bobby Kennedy,Martin Luther King…
这些立志于改变现状、追求和平、 ...men whose commitment to change and peace…
妨碍了好战分子的人 ...made them dangerous to men committed to war, would follow…
也同样被这种孤独的疯子杀死了。 ...also killed by such lonely, crazed men.
他们把谋杀伪装成孤独者的愚行。 Men who remove all guilt by making
murder a meaningless act of a loner.
在自己的国度中，我们成了父王被杀的哈姆雷特 We've all become Hamlets in our country,
children of a slain father-leader...
杀父仇人仍占有着王位。 ...whose killers still possess the throne.
约翰肯尼迪的灵魂使我们 The ghost of John F. Kennedy confronts us
向往美国梦的心灵直面 with the secret murder...
秘密的谋杀。 ...at the heart of the American Dream.
他向我们追问宪法的内涵是什么？ He forces on us the appalling questions:
Of what is our Constitution made？
我们的生命价值又是什么？ What are our lives worth？
总统在可疑的情况下遭刺杀 What is the future of a democracy...
...where a President can be assassinated
而司法制度却畏缩不前， under suspicious circumstances...
...while the machinery of legal action
这种情况下，民主的前途何在？ scarcely trembles？
还有多少宗政治谋杀， How many more political murders disguised as heart attacks…
是假借心脏病、自杀、癌症、吸毒为名？ ...suicides, cancers, drug overdoses？
还有多少起飞机失事、交通意外 How many plane and car crashes will occur…
掩盖了事实的真相？ ...before they are exposed for what they are？
一英国诗人写过叛逆者不会持久。 Treason doth never prosper,wrote an English poet.
为什么？ What's the reason？
因为如果可以持久的话，就没人敢说是叛逆。 "For if it prosper,
one dare call it treason."
美国民众还没有看到撒氏拍摄的影片。 The American public has yet to see the Zapruder film.
为什么？ Why？
他们还要看真正的X光片和解剖照片 The American public has yet to see
the real X-rays and autopsy photographs.
为什么？ Why？
数以百计的文件可以证明这是一个阴谋。 Hundreds of documents could help prove this conspiracy.
为什么政府会把这些证据扣压甚至销毁？ Why are they being withheld or burned by the government？
当我们检察官，当你们，当人民 When my office or you, the people, asked
提出质询，想要查看证据时， those questions, demanded evidence...
政府高层总是回答道：“国家安全。” ...the answer from on high has always been: National security.
国家的领导人也可以被杀， What kind of national security do we have
这是什么“国家安全”？ when we're robbed of our leaders？
什么样的“国家安全”容许剥夺… What national security
ermits the removal...
人民的基本权利、 ...of fundamental power from the people...
确立隐形政府的权势？ ...and validates the ascendancy
of an invisible government in the US？
那样的“国家安全”， That kind of national security is...
闻起来、触摸起来、看起来… ...when it smells like it, feels like it,and looks like it…
你们会说它就是—— ...you call it what it is:
法西斯！ Fascism!
我来告诉你们， I submit to you that what took place
1963年11月22日发生的事情， on November 22, 1963...
是一场政变。 ...was a "coup d'etat".
它最直接的悲惨结果， Its most direct and tragic result...
就是改变了肯尼迪从越南撤兵的决定。 ...was the reversal of Kennedy's decision to withdraw from Vietnam.
越战是美国最有利可图的生意， The war is the biggest business in America…
每年价值八百亿美元。 ...worth $80 billion a year.
肯尼迪总统是被阴谋杀害… President Kennedy was murdered by a conspiracy…
由政府的最高层策划，并由… ...planned at the highest levels of our government...
国防部及中情局秘密行动机构的 ...carried out by fanatical and disciplined cold warriors…
受严格训练的疯狂士兵执行。 covert-operation apparatus.
其中一位，就是各位面前的克雷萧。 Among them, Clay Shaw, here before you.
这是一次公开处决，但却被 It was a public execution,and it was covered up by…
臭味相投的人，例如达拉斯警方 ...like-minded people in the Dallas Police...
特务工作局，联邦调查局 ...the Secret Service, the FBI,
和白宫 and the White House...
政府高层，包括J埃德加胡佛和兰道詹森所掩饰 ...up to and including J. Edgar Hoover,and Lyndon Johnson…
他们两位是事件背后的同谋。 ...who were accomplices after the fact.
暗杀使总统成为一个过渡性官员。 The assassination reduced the President to a transient official.
他的工作是倡言国家渴望和平 His job is to speak as often as possible
of the nation's desire for peace...
（而他忘记了他本应该）在国会担当军方和 ...while he acts as a business agent
in the Congress...
军火商的代理人（所以他被杀害了）。 ...for the military and their contractors.
有人说我是疯了。 Some people say I'm crazy.
一个南方的土包子想混政治资本。 Southern caricature seeking higher office.
然而有个判断我是否为偏执狂的简单方法： There's a simple way to determineif I am paranoid.
请两位从暗杀中获利最大的人—— Ask the two men who profited most
from the assassination...
前总统詹森及新总统尼克逊 ...former President Johnson
and your new President, Nixon...
提出中情局关于 ...to release the 51 CIA documents
李奥斯华和杰克罗比的51份文件， pertaining to Lee Oswald and Jack Ruby.
或者机密的中情局备忘录。 Or the secret CIA memo...
奥斯华在俄国活动的文件，影印时被毁。 ...on Oswald's activities in Russia that
was destroyed while being photocopied.
这些文件是你们的。 These documents are yours.
那是人民的财产，是你们为此纳税的。 The people's property. You pay for it.
但政府把你们看成小孩子， But as the government sees you as children…
认为你们无法接受事实真相， ...who might be too disturbed to face this reality…
或是你们可能对有关人等施行私刑。 ...or because you might lynch those involved…
因此你们看不得那些文件，除非再过75年。 ...you cannot see these documents for another 75 years.
我已经40多岁了， I'm in my 40s...
到时我可能已经“入土为安”了。 ...so I'll have "shuffled off this mortal coil" by then.
但我要告诉八岁的儿子， But I'm telling my eight-year-old son
要他保持身体健康， to keep himself physically fit...
那样的话，他可以在2038年9月的一个灿烂的清晨， ...so that one glorious September morning,in 2038…
翻看中情局及联邦调查局的档案。 he can go to the National Archives and learn what the CIA and FBI knew.
他们可能会推迟这一天的到来， They may push it back then.
这可能成为世代相传的不解之谜， It may become a generational affair.
Questions passed from parent to child.
但是终有一天， But someday, somewhere,
某地某人，会使那该死的真相重见天日。 someone may find out the damn truth.
我们最好能等到那一天。 We better.
或者干脆像《独立宣言》所说的 Or we might just as well build ourselves
another government...
“当旧的政府无法运作， ...like the Declaration of Independence
便在西面建立一个新的。” says to, when the old one don't work.
Just a bit farther out West.
某位美国自然主义者曾写道： An American naturalist wrote:
“一个爱国者要随时准备 A patriot must always be ready
为了捍卫他的祖国而对抗政府。” to defend his country against its government.
（面对众陪审员）
我不想面对你们所要作的决择。 I'd hate to be in your shoes today.
你们要深思熟虑 You have a lot to think about.
你们看过公众看不到的证据。 You've seen evidence the public hasn't seen.
回想我们年幼的时候， Going back to when we were children...
我猜测法庭上大部人都认为， ...I think most of us in this courtroom
正义是自然而来的、 thought justice came automatically.
好人自有好报、 That virtue was its own reward.
正定能胜邪。 That good triumphs over evil.
但越是长大成人就越是知道事实并非如此。 But as we get older we know this isn't true.
每一个人都要去“创造”正义，这并不容易。 Individual human beings have to create
justice, and this is not easy...
因为真相往往威胁有权势的人。 ...because the truth often poses a threat
to power...
坚持真理的人挑战权贵之时 ...and one often has to fight power
往往要冒极大的风险。 at great risk to themselves.
像S.M.霍兰、 People like S.M. Holland...
李保华、 ...Lee Bowers...
希珍妮和柯威利这样的人、 ...Jean Hill, Willie O'Keefe...
他们以身犯险、出庭作证。 ...have all taken that risk and they've all come forward.
我手中这些信里有大约八千美元。 I have here some $8,000 in these letters...
是由全国各地寄来的， ...sent from all over the country.
是家庭主妇、水喉匠、教师以及 Quarters, dimes, dollars from housewives...
汽车推销员寄来的零碎小钱 ...plumbers, car salesmen,
teachers, invalids.
他们生活拮据但还是把钱寄来了 These are people who cannot afford
to send money but do.
开计程车的人 People who drive cabs...
在医院当护士的人 ...who nurse in hospitals...
目送孩子到南越的人 ...who see their kids go to Vietnam.
他们为何寄钱来？ Why？
因为他们关心 Because they care.
因为他们想知道事情的真相。 Because they want to know the truth.
因为他们想要回属于他们的国家。 Because they want their country back.
ecause it still belongs to us...
只要人民还有为信仰奋斗的勇气， ...as long as the people have the guts
这个国家就仍然属于我们。 to fight for what they believe in.
我们所拥有的最珍贵的就是真理， The truth is the most important value
因为如果真理无法持久， we have, because if it doesn't endure...
如果政府抹杀真相， ...if the government murders truth...
如果我们无法尊重这些人， ...if we cannot respect these people...
那这里就不再是我生于斯死于斯的祖国， ...then this is not the country I was born in,
or the country I want to die in.
丁尼生写过： Tennyson wrote:
“权力遗忘死去的帝王” Authority forgets a dying king.
对约翰F肯尼迪来说，这是千真万确的事实。 This was never more true
than for John F. Kennedy...
他的遇刺可能是美国历史上 ...whose murder was probably one
最恐怖的时刻。 of the most terrible moments...
...in the history of our country.
我们、人民、陪审团制度 We, the people, the jury system sitting
对克雷萧的审判 in judgment on Clay Shaw...
代表了 ...represent the hope...
人性对抗暴政的希望 ...of humanity against government power.
为了履行你们的职责 In discharging your duty...
请在这风雨飘摇的时刻 ...to bring a first conviction
in this house of cards...
对克雷萧作出裁决。 ...against Clay Shaw...
别问国家能为你做些什么该问你能为国家做些什么 "...ask not what your country can do for
you but what you can do for your country."
不要忘记… Do not forget...
你们死去的帝王 ...your dying king.
向世人显示 Show this world...
这仍是一个民有、 ...this is still a government "of the people,
民享、民治的政府 for the people and by the people."
在我们有生之年， Nothing as long as you live...
没什么比这个更重要了。 ...will ever be more important.
这是你们抉择。 It's up to you.
《刺杀肯尼迪》观后感(十)：最后那段经典台词
The glitter of official lies and the epic splendor of the thought-numbing funeral of J.F.K. confuse the eye and confound the understanding.
Hitler said:"The bigger the lie, the more people will believe it."Lee Harvey Oswald, a crazed lonely man who wanted attention and got it by killing a President was only the first in a long line of patsies.
当局在撒谎，诗史般的肯尼迪葬礼迷惑了我们的双眼和头脑。希特勒说：越大的谎言越有人相信。一个疯狂的无名之辈，想出风头暗杀了总统，这只是一长串名单中的第一个替罪羊。
In later years, Bobby Kennedy,Martin Luther King....men whose commitment to change and peace....made them dangerous to men committed to war, would follow....also killed by such lonely crazed men.
Men who remove all guilt by making murder a meaningless act of a loner. We've all become Hamlets in our country,children of a slain father-leader. whose killers still possess the throne.
近年来，肯尼迪、马丁路德金凡是想改革想和平的人，都是那些向往战争权贵们的眼中钉。这些人也同样被疯狂、孤独的个人杀害。这些毫无意义的个人愚蠢行为使我们毫无内疚之感。我们都成了哈姆雷特认贼作父，而凶手同样占据着皇位。
The ghost of John F. Kennedy confronts us with the secret murder at the heart of the American Dream.He forces on us the appalling questions:Of what is our Constitution made？
What are our lives worth？What is the future of a democracy..？where a President can be assassinated under suspicious circumstances..while the machinery of legal action scarcely trembles？ How many more political murders disguised as heart attacks......suicides, cancers, drug overdoses？How many plane and car crashes will occur...before they are exposed for what they are？
而肯尼迪总统和他被害的那些秘密终于与我们在我们的美国梦中相遇了，它向我们提出这样一个问题，我们的宪法核心是什么，我们生命的价值又是什么呢？一个国家的总统被杀害，在众多疑问面前，它的司法机构只会在那里发抖，那么这个国家的民主又是什么呢？还有多少政治谋杀被说成是：心脏病发作、自杀、癌症和过量吸毒，还有多少飞机失事和车祸将发生在事情暴露的前夜呢？
quot;Treason doth never prosper," wrote an English poet.
What's the reason？
For if it prosper, none dare call it treason.
The American public has yetto see the Zapruder film.
Why？
The American public has yet to see the real X-rays and autopsy pictures.
Why？
Hundreds of documents could help prove this conspiracy.
Why are they being withheld or burned by the government？
When my office or you, the people, asked those questions, demanded evidence, the answer from on high has always been: national security.
What kind of national security do we have when we're robbed of our leaders？
What national security permits the removal..of fundamental power from the people.and validates the ascendancy of invisible government in the U.S.？
That kind of national security.when it smells like it, feels like it, and looks like.you call it what it is: Fascism!
一位英国的诗人曾经这样写道，背信弃义是永远不会成功的，因为他成功了就没人敢叫他背信弃义了。为什么？美国人民到现在为止还没有看录像带，为什么？有成千上万的文件可以作证，为什么却被政府撤掉或者烧毁了呢？每次我的办公室或你们――人民，提出并要求查看证据时，得到的答案永远是：国家安全机密。我们国家的领导人被夺取了生命，还有什么国家安全所言呢？什么样的国家安全被允许夺走人民手中最基本的权利，并允许一个看不见的政府统治我们的美国呢！这样的国家安全，当他看上去如此、闻上去如此、感觉上如此的时候，我们就可以叫他：法西斯主义。
I submit to you that what took place on November 22, 1963.was a coup d'etat.Its most direct and tragic result was the reversal of Kennedy's decision to withdraw from Vietnam.
The war is the biggest business in America with 80 billion dollars a year.
resident Kennedy was murdered by a conspiracy planned at the highest levels of government carried out by fanatical and disciplined cold warriors in the Pentagon and CIA's covert operation apparatus.Among them, Clay Shaw, here before you.
我向你们提出发生在1963年11月22日的事件，那是一场政变。它最直接最可悲的后果就是改变了肯尼迪从越南撤军的决定。每年消耗8000亿的战争是美国最大的生意。肯尼迪总统的谋杀案由美国政府的最高层精心策划，由五角大楼和国防部中的战争狂热分子来实施。
It was a public execution,and it was covered up by like-minded people in the Dallas police the Secret Service, the FBI and the White House up to and including J. Edgar Hoover,and Lyndon Johnson who were accomplices after the fact.
胡佛和林登约翰逊，我相信他们是共犯，因前总统被刺而入主白宫的这个总统。
The assassination reduced the President to a transient official.His job is to speak as often as possible of the nation's desire for peace while he acts as a business agent in the Congress for the military and their contractors.
ome people say I'm crazy.Southern caricature seeking higher office.There's a simple way to determine if I am paranoid.Ask the 2 men who profited most from the assassination former President Johnson andyour new President, Nixon to release the 51 CIA documents pertaining to Lee Oswald and Jack Ruby.
or the secret CIA memo on Oswald's activities in Russia that was destroyed while being photocopied.These documents are yours.The people's property. You pay for it.
ut as the government sees you as children....who might be too disturbed to face this reality....or because you might lynch those involved you cannot see these documents for another 75 years.
I'm in my 40's so I'll have shuffled off this mortal coil by then.
ut I'm telling my 8-year-old son to keep himself physically fit. so that one glorious September morning, in 2038, he can go to the National Archives and learn what the CIA and FBI knew.They may push it back then.
It may become a generational affair.Questions passed from parent to child.But some day, somewhere, someone may find out the damn truth.
We better.Or we might just as well buildourselves another government like the Declaration of lndependencesays to, when the old one don't work. Just a bit farther out West.
An American naturalist wrote:"A patriot must always be ready to defend his country against its government."
现在会有人说我是疯了，这有个简单的方法能证明我是否是偏执狂。我要求政府公开中情局51份档案，这些文件都是你们的。不，这些文件是人民的财产，你们为此而付了钱（纳税）。当时政府或许认为你们还是孩子，怕被那些实事吓坏的，或者你们会激动私自处死有关人员。所以在未来75年里你们是看不到这些文件的。我现在40岁，我是看不到了，但我希望我儿子在2038年9月一个阳光明媚的早晨，在国家档案馆翻看这些秘密。这可能成为几代人的事情，不过总会有一天，在某个地方某个人会发现真相。到那时我们自己最好能给自己建立一个新的政府，如独立宣言中所说：任何形式的政府，一旦起破坏作用时，人们便有权给予更换或者废除。一位美国的博物学家说，一位爱国者必须随时随地的准备与政府做斗争，以保护他的国家。
I'd hate to be in your shoes today.You have a lot to think about. You'veseen evidence the public hasn't seen.Going back to when we were children.l think most of us in this court thought justice came automatically.
That virtue was its own reward. That good triumphs over evil.But as we get older we know this isn't true.Individual human beings have to create justice, and this is not easy because the truth often poses a threat to power and we often have to fight power at great risk to ourselves.
回想我们的小时候，大多数人会认为正义会自己降落在我们身边，美德是对美德做好的回报，正义总会战胜邪恶。可我们长大后才知道，事情并非不都是真的，每个人都必须为正义而斗争，而这并不容易。因为真理总会引起权势们的恐慌，我们不得不冒着风险与权势们斗争。
eople like S.M. Holland, Lee Bowers, Jean Hill, Willie O'Keefe, have all taken that risk and they've all come forward.
I have here some $8,000 in these letters sent from all over the country. Quarters, dimes, dollars from housewives plumbers, car salesmen, teachers, invalids.These are people who cannot afford to send money but do.People who drive cabs, who nurse in hospitals, who see their kids go to Vietnam.
Why？
ecause they care.
ecause they want the truth.
ecause they want their country back.
ecause it still belongs to us.as long as the people fight for what they believe in.
The truth is the most important value we have because if it doesn't endure, if the government murders truth if we cannot respect these people then this is not the country I was born in, or the country I want to die in.
我们只要为自己的信仰而斗争，这个国家依然是我们的。寻求真理仍然是我们最重要的人生价值，如果真理已经受到政府谋杀，人民不在受到尊重，那这个地方就不是我们出生的那个国家，肯定也不会是我将与之终身厮守的那个国家。
Tennyson wrote:"Authority forgets a dying king."
This was never more true than for John F. Kennedy whose murder was probably one of the most terrible moments in the history of our country.
丁尼斯写到：当权者忘记了死去的国王。这就是肯尼迪遇害最真实的写照，这可能是我们国家历史之上最可怕的历史时刻之一。
We, the people, the jury system sitting in judgment on Clay Shaw represent the hope of humanity against government power. In discharging your duty to bring a first conviction against Clay Shaw, ask not what your country can do for you but what you can do for your country.
Do not forget your dying king. Show this world this is still a government of the people, for the people and by the people.Nothing, as long as you live, will ever be more important.
今天的判决代表人民与政府斗争的希望，不要问这个国家能为你做什么，而问你能为这个国家做什么。不要忘却你死去的国王。这个政府依然还是一个民有、民治、民享的政府，只要我们还活着，没有比这更重要的了。